EU Should Use Enhanced Partnership with Uzbekistan to Press for Meaningful Human Rights Progress

Brussels, 27 October 2025 — Following the signature of the EU–Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR) urge the EU to ensure that human rights are placed at the heart of this deepened partnership, and that economic and geopolitical interests do not take precedence over human rights concerns.  

The EU should use the pending ratification of the agreement – required before it can fully enter into force – and its subsequent implementation to press for real and lasting human rights improvements in Uzbekistan.

Human Rights Commitments Must Not Remain Rhetorical

Signed during President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s visit to Brussels on 24 October 2025, the EPCA aims to elevate EU–Uzbekistan relations to a new strategic level, expanding cooperation in trade, political and economic relations, energy, transport, security, environmental protection and other areas. It follows a notable increase in EU–Uzbekistan trade and investment in recent years, with Uzbekistan benefiting from preferential access to the EU market under the EU’s GSP+ scheme since 2021.

The EPCA includes commitments to respect democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights, and to foster an enabling environment for civil society. The EU has underlined the importance of shared values and argued that the agreement will allow for expanded engagement on human rights. A joint EU-Uzbekistan statement issued following the signing of the EPCA highlighted reforms to strengthen the rule of law, human rights, civil society and media development as a ‘’shared priority’’.

Yet, without clear benchmarks for progress, the Uzbekistani government’s commitments risk remaining purely rhetorical.

Benchmarks and Follow-up Monitoring Needed

Currently the human rights situation in Uzbekistan remains deeply worrying, with limited genuine progress despite reform pledges by the authorities. Indeed, some early reform initiatives launched after President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016 – two years before negotiations on the EPCA began – have been undermined by subsequent backsliding.

Civic space is highly restricted, with independent media and civil society groups operating under severe constraints, and journalists, bloggers and human rights defenders facing ongoing harassment, including politically motivated imprisonment, and even forced psychiatric confinement. Persecution also extends to exiled activists, while authorities have prevented former political prisoners from obtaining rehabilitation. The judiciary remains under political control, and torture and ill-treatment are prevalent. Authorities have failed to ensure accountability for the 2022 crackdown on mass protests in Karakalpakstan, and consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, further illustrating the gap between reform promises and reality. (See more on current human rights concerns below).

In this context, it is imperative that the EU and its members link the ratification and full implementation of the EPCA to tangible measures by the Uzbekistani authorities to halt further deterioration and ensure genuine improvements in human rights protection in the country.

The European Parliament, whose consent is required for ratification, should adopt a similar approach to that taken in relation to the EU–Kyrgyzstan EPCA. In its September 2025 resolution on Kyrgyzstan, the Parliament called for concrete steps to address the worsening human rights situation in this country before ratification and implementation of the new agreement, as well as for a robust monitoring framework with human rights benchmarks and timelines to track progress. It also stressed that a negative assessment could lead to the agreement’s suspension. We urge the Parliament to insist on a similar scheme for Uzbekistan, with both the Parliament and independent civil society actors closely involved in monitoring and follow-up.

 
Priority Areas for EU Engagement and Human Rights Progress

The EU should insist on meaningful progress in the following areas, as a matter of priority:

• Ending the persecution of human rights defenders, journalists, and activists, and releasing those imprisoned for peacefully exercising their rights;

• Decriminalising defamation and insult and ensuring these charges are not used to stifle free speech;

• Halting the misuse of international cooperation mechanisms – in particular those of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) – to seek the forcible return of individuals on politically motivated grounds;

• Guaranteeing the rehabilitation and protection of former political prisoners, and ensuring their access to justice and compensation;

• Conducting thorough, impartial investigations into the 2022 suppression of mass protests in Karakalpakstan and ensuring accountability for all those responsible for the excessive use of force, torture and other serious violations;

• Allowing independent human rights organisations to register and operate freely, and removing excessive restrictions on the operations and funding of NGOs;

• Guaranteeing judicial independence and fair trial standards, and protecting lawyers from harassment due to their professional activities;

• Consistently enforcing legal safeguards against torture, establishing an independent mechanism to investigate complaints, and taking effective measures to ensure accountability for perpetrators;

• Decriminalising consensual homosexual relations and ensuring effective protection for LGBT people from harassment, violence, and abuse.

Tangible progress on human rights is not only a moral imperative but also an important foundation for sustainable trade, security, and development. The EU should use the EPCA as leverage for genuine reform — not as a reward for unfulfilled promises.

Background: Key Human Rights Concerns in Uzbekistan

Despite commitments to media freedoms, authorities continue to suppress independent media operations, with draft legislation risking to impose new restrictions. Journalists, bloggers, and human rights defenders face ongoing – and increasing – intimidation and harassment, including surveillance, smear campaigns, and politically motivated prosecutions.

A case of particular concern is that of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, who is serving a 16-year sentence for his peaceful role in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan and reportedly has been subjected to torture in prison. He was targeted as part of a wider crackdown on dissent in the region launched after the 2022 events.

Another alarming case is that of human rights defender and blogger Shahida Salomova, who has been

In addition to persecuting critics at home, authorities have increasingly exploited international cooperation mechanisms to pursue outspoken bloggers and activists based abroad on politically motivated charges. Aside from Interpol notices, requests made through CIS and SCO have become a growing threat to exiled activists, with a rising number of individuals forcibly returned from Turkey and CIS countries in recent years.

At the same time, authorities have failed to rehabilitate former political prisoners whose convictions – often based on forced confessions – remain in place, leaving them without access to justice or compensation and vulnerable to social exclusion, discrimination, and harassment. These include activists previously recognised as political prisoners by the European Parliament.

Independent NGOs continue to face systematic barriers to registration, with applications rejected on arbitrary grounds. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has been denied registration of his NGO, Human Rights House more than a dozen times. NGOs are also subject to excessive restrictions on their operations and funding. Foreign grants require government approval in a cumbersome process that often leads to refusals or significant delays in accessing funds.

Despite proclaimed judicial reforms, the judiciary remains under political influence. Politically sensitive cases are often classified as “secret,” hearings held behind closed doors, and acquittals are exceedingly rare. Defence lawyers face harassment for representing clients in politically motivated cases.

Torture and ill-treatment remain prevalent, with reported cases rarely effectively investigated or punished – a problem underscored by the lack of an independent investigation mechanism. Despite legal safeguards, detainees are often denied prompt access to lawyers, and judges frequently disregard evidence of abuse.

Impunity persists for serious human rights violations committed during the July 2022 events in Karakalpakstan, when security forces harshly suppressed mass protests against proposed constitutional amendments. Last year, a parliamentary commission deemed law enforcement actions as “lawful”, contradicting credible independent findings of excessive force, torture and other grave abuses. These findings highlight the need for further, impartial and thorough investigations and for effective measures to hold all perpetrators accountable for violations.

Consensual homosexual relations remain criminalised, leaving LGBTI people exposed to harassment, threats, and abuse without protection.

 

EU–Uzbekistan: Respect for Human Rights Must Be a Precondition for Partnership

The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Central Asia Due Diligence (CADD), the human rights group “Open Line”, and the public channel “World and Politics”, founded by independent journalist and former prisoner of conscience Yusuf Ruzimuradov, call for the necessity of placing human rights issues at the core of the agenda during the visit of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev to Brussels on 24 October 2025, when the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) between Uzbekistan and the European Union is expected to take place.

Conditions for Justice

Nine years have passed since Shavkat Mirziyoyev, upon assuming the presidency of Uzbekistan, announced the launch of large-scale legal reforms. However, Uzbekistan’s judiciary remains effectively under the President’s control and is dependent on the executive branch. Despite the adoption of new laws and amendments, the situation in practice has not changed: a profound gap persists between the letter of the law and its implementation. The results of any monitoring of the enforcement of legislation, if such monitoring is conducted at all, remain inaccessible to the public.

Our analysis shows that, on the eve of the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA), the authorities of Uzbekistan continue to simulate reforms without ensuring genuine rule of law. The judiciary remains a tool of political pressure, while the proclaimed “legal reforms” fail to guarantee the protection of human rights.

Our monitoring has revealed the following trends:

— Widespread use of trials in absentia and closed court proceedings;

— Frequent classification of criminal cases as “secret”, especially when evidence of guilt is weak, questionable, or involves high-ranking officials;

— Lack of effective appeal mechanisms in administrative courts, particularly in cases involving critics of the government or civil society activists;

— Lawyers are often reduced to a formal role, while many face pressure or intimidation aimed at forcing them to withdraw from effectively defending their clients;

— Citizen complaints submitted via the Presidential online portal are merely registered and redirected to the very state bodies accused of rights violations, effectively denying access to justice;

— Prosecutors and courts address complaints from victims of politically motivated persecution in a purely formal manner, without proper investigations;

— Uzbek citizens living abroad, including refugees, continue to be deprived of effective avenues for fair review of their cases or redress for politically motivated persecution;

— Acquittals remain extremely rare;

— Even those officially rehabilitated are unable to reclaim confiscated property or obtain compensation;

— Re-examination of the cases of former political prisoners has not begun, and officials responsible for fabricated charges and the use of torture remain unpunished;

— Smear campaigns against and total surveillance of independent activists persist, as regularly reported by human rights defenders Tatiana Dovlatova, Klara Sakharova, Olga Abdullaeva, Elena Urlaeva, Solmaz Akhmedova, Agzam Turgunov and others;

— Punitive psychiatry continues to be practiced. Since 2023, lawyer, human rights defender and blogger Shakhida Salomova has been held in compulsory psychiatric detention, and blogger Valijon Kalonov has been under forced treatment since December 2021;

— Lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov has been subjected to unprecedented pressure and torture. He was sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 mass protests in Karakalpakstan. His civic stance and commitment to defending the rights of the Karakalpak people continue to be treated as a criminal offenses in Uzbekistan;

— No conditions exist for the legal operation of human rights organizations monitoring civil, political, and social rights, as the Ministry of Justice systematically denies them registration. For example, human rights defender Agzam Turgunov has submitted registration documents for his NGO “Human Rights House” over ten times, yet the Ministry of Justice has repeatedly denied registration without justification;

— The political party “Truth and Progress” has twice been denied registration, citing an insufficient number of signatures—an assertion refuted by activists. The party’s leader Khidirnazar Allakulov and his supporters face ongoing pressure, including online bullying, surveillance, blocking of communication channels, and refusal of premises for meetings.

Politically Motivated Persecution Continues

Former political prisoners in Uzbekistan continue to face discrimination and social marginalization. Almost all of them were subjected to torture, ill-treatment, and humiliation during the rule of Islam Karimov. Those who have spoken publicly about their experiences report ongoing pressure from the security services, often extending to their family members.

Many of them still lack access to their criminal case files — either because the 25-year limitation period has expired or due to their inability to afford legal representation. They continue to suffer from dire physical and psychological consequences of torture and ill treatment.

Our findings are consistent with monitoring results on the cases of activists who were qualified as political prisoners in the European Parliament resolutions of 2009 and 2014. None of them have had their convictions, obtained under torture or through forced confessions, formally overturned. Among them are: former members of parliament Samandar Kukanov (b. 1945), Rustam Usmanov (b. 1948), and Murad Juraev (1952–2017); members of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan Mehriniso Hamdamova (b. 1960), Zulhumor Hamdamova (b. 1969), Gaybullo Jalilov (b. 1964), Zafardjon Rahimov (b. 1968), Yuldash Rasulov (b. 1969); member of the Ezgulik Human Rights Society Isroiljon Kholdorov (b. 1951); members of the Mazlum Human Rights Center Agzam Turgunov (b. 1951), Fahriddin Tillaev (b. 1971), Nuraddin Jumaniyazov (1948–2016); member of the Committee for the Protection of Individual Rights Ganikhon Mamatkhanov (b. 1951); independent journalist Solidzhon Abdurakhmanov (1950–2025); editor of the Erk newspaper Muhammad Bekjanov (b. 1954) and correspondent Yusuf Ruzimuradov (b. 1964); Irmoq magazine staff members Botirbek Eshkuziev (b. 1978), Bahrom Ibragimov (b. 1977), Davron Kabilov (b. 1973), Davron Todzhiev (b. 1981), and Ravshanbek Vafoev (b. 1971); witness of the Andijan events of 2005 Dilorom Abduqodirova (b. 1966); and Erkin Musaev (b. 1967), former UN employee and former officer of the Ministry of Defense.

Abuses in the Spheres of Justice, Freedom, and Security

Over the past three years, the Uzbek authorities have increasingly place citizens living abroad — those who openly criticize the authorities for human rights violations or comment on cases of repression and torture — on international wanted lists based on fabricated and politically motivated criminal charges.

Such practices undermine confidence in Uzbekistan’s judicial system, as they demonstrate the absence of genuine guarantees of fair trial, independent oversight, and accountability mechanisms. If unaddressed, this policy could also create serious reputational risks for the European Union.

Return to the Practice of Forced Labour

The use of forced labour in cotton production has re-emerged. As before, the campaigns are coordinated by regional and district hokims (governors), who forcibly mobilize teachers and public-sector employees to participate in seasonal fieldwork.

Our Recommendations to the European Union

Within the framework of cooperation between the EU and Uzbekistan, we urge the European Union to:

• Include respect for human rights and the rule of law among the binding conditions for the signing and implementation of the EPCA;

• Raise the case of Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov and other political prisoners in the agenda of the EU–Uzbekistan political dialogue;

• Make the release of all persons imprisoned on politically motivated charges a precondition for any deepening of partnership with Uzbekistan.

We Call on the Authorities of Uzbekistan to:

• End restrictions on the work of human rights defenders and ensure safe conditions for their independent monitoring activities;

• Remove politically motivated obstacles to the registration of human rights organizations, in particular the NGO “Human Rights House” led by Agzam Turgunov;

• Guarantee genuine conditions for the registration and operation of opposition political parties, ensuring freedom of association and political pluralism in line with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations;

• Cease surveillance, harassment, and other forms of persecution against independent journalists, activists, and human rights defenders;

• Review the case of lawyer and blogger Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, sentenced to 16 years in prison for his peaceful participation in the 2022 protests in Karakalpakstan;

• Conduct an independent, transparent, and impartial investigation into the events of 1–2 July 2022 in Karakalpakstan;

• Ensure compliance with Uzbekistan’s international human rights obligations, including the rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and protection from torture;

• End the misuse of international search and extradition mechanisms under Interpol, the CIS, and the SCO for politically motivated purposes;

• Establish effective national mechanisms for legal redress to restore the rights of former political prisoners and Uzbek citizens who have refugee status abroad;

• Eradicate the practice of forced labour in the cotton sector through genuine reform and by granting farmers real economic freedoms, including the right to make autonomous decisions regarding the use of their land.

Turkmenistan: Drop New Charges, Release Civic Activist Murat Dushemov

 

The Norwegian Helsinki Committee, Turkmen.News, Turkmen Initiative forHuman Rights, International Partnership for Human Rights and Association forHuman Rights in Cental Asia (AHRCA) call on authorities in Turkmenistan to drop new criminal charges initiated against civic activist Murat Dushemov in apparent retaliation for his activism and to release him immediately.

Turkmen civil activist and political prisoner Murat Dushemov did not return home after the end of his unjust four-year prison sentence on June 14, 2025. According to information from Turkmen.News, authorities initiated new criminal charges against him shortly before his anticipated release, allegedly over a fight with a fellow prisoner – an incident believed to have been staged to incriminate him. He currently remains in  detention, with the trial on the new charges expected soon.

Murat Dushemov was originally imprisoned in 2021 on charges of extortion and infliction of bodily harm, widely viewed as  retaliation for his peaceful civic activism. He had publicly challenged the Turkmen government’s denial of the COVID-19 pandemic, questioned the legal basis of mask mandates and vaccination requirements, and refused to comply without justification—actions that led to repeated harassment and politically motivated charges. At that time, Dushemov was also accused of allegedly attacking and injuring co-detainees.

Both human rights defenders and international experts have expressed serious concerns about the politically-motivated nature of the charges leading to Dushemov’s 2021 prison sentence. During its review of Turkmenistan in 2023, the UN Human Rights Committee called for his release – an issue the government promised to consider. However, it has failed to follow through on this commitment.

The new alleged prison incident  involving Dushemov—used to justify the fresh charges— appears to be a fabricated pretext to extend his detention and penalize him for continuing to stand up for his rights while in prison.

Dushemov is accused of injuring a fellow prisoner during a fight. However, in a message conveyed through his lawyer, the activist firmly denied the charges and stated that the new case against him is the result of a deliberate provocation. Dushemov said: “The person who filed the complaint against me deliberately injured himself by hitting a wall, he then smeared it with his own blood, and  falsely accused me. They’re trying to slander me again to prolong my detention.”

For several days after the expiration of Dushemov’s sentence, his family had no information about his whereabouts. It was only thanks to the persistent efforts of his mother, Tyazegul Mammedova, that they learned that he had been transferred from prison LB-E/12 in Lebap region – where head been serving his sentence – to detention center LB-D/9 (also known as "Abdy-Shukur" prison) in Turkmenabat. Although his mother visited the detention center twice, she was not allowed to see him, with prison guards indicating that a visit might only be possible after his trial. She also did not receive any information about the new charges against him. However, during Mammedova’s second visit on June 23, she was permitted to leave a parcel for her son, and she met with his state-appointed lawyer, who conveyed the message from him quoted above.

There are credible signs that the Turkmen security services are seeking to suppress information about the case. The Dushemov family's communication with contacts abroad appears to have been intentionally hindered. On June 24, an unidentified man visited their home in Bezmein, falsely claiming to respond to a Wi-Fi service request, after which their internet connection was cut off.

Moreover, in a further worrying development, the family reportedly faced additional pressure following a heartfelt video appeal addressed to President Serdar Berdymukhamedov by Tyazegul Mammedova. In the appeal, Mammedova insisted on her son’s innocence and urged the president to intervene, saying she ‘’couldn’t bear’’ to see him imprisoned again. After the appeal was published on June 25, Murat Dushemov’s younger brother, Alty, received a phone call from a local court official inquiring about his alimony payments — a call that appeared intended to intimidate him.

We call on the Turkmen government to immediately and unconditionally release Murat Dushemov and to stop harassing him and his family for his peaceful exercise of civic freedoms. Turkmenistan’s international partners should also press for Dushemov’s release and for an end to the broader pattern of persecution targeting civic activists, journalists and others critical of the Turkmen authorities.

 

 

Uzbekistan: 20-year anniversary of the Andijan events: time to face up to the pas

 

The Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress the memory of the Andijan tragedy

Twenty years after the massacre in Andijan, victims and witnesses remain fearful of speaking out about the events that claimed hundreds of civilian lives, as the authorities continue to suppress the truth about the tragedy, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) and International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) said in a statement today. The three organisations called on the Uzbekistani authorities to finally facilitate an independent and transparent investigation into the tragic events to ensure accountability and deliver justice to the many victims.

On 13 May 2005, thousands of protestors gathered in front of the Andijan regional administration building amid rumours that President Karimov would would arrive that day to meet with them. The crowd included supporters of 23 Andijan entrepreneurs who were on trial for extremism due to their alleged membership in the banned Akramiya organisation. Protesters also voiced broader grievances related to social issues and perceived misconduct by state officials. In response, law enforcement authorities used disproportionate and indiscriminate force, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of civilians. While official figures put the death toll at 187, refugees from Andijan estimate the number to be much higher. Following these events, thousands of people were reportedly forced into exile.

The international community unanimously condemned the excessive violence used against protestors in Andijan and called for an independent international investigation. This was rejected by Tashkent. In response, the European Union imposed sanctions on Uzbekistan, banning 12 officials from entering the EU, imposing an arms embargo, and partially suspending its Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Uzbekistan. The sanctions were gradually eased over the following years before being fully lifted in 2009. The US also condemned the Uzbekistani government's actions in Andijan and closed its military base in Khanabad.

In the aftermath of the Andijan events, the authorities launched a large-scale crackdown on civil society, during which hundreds of witnesses to the events reportedly were arrested for openly supporting calls for an independent international investigation. By spring 2006, almost 40 human rights activists and journalists had been imprisoned on trumped-up charges – a number that continued to grow in the subsequent period. The names of civil society activists and political emigrants were reportedly listed by the security services alongside the names of terrorists.

Most of those who fled Uzbekistan after the Andijan events later lost their Uzbekistani citizenship due to the government’s restrictive policies and have been unable to regain it, although some have been allowed to visit the country for short periods. 

Even years after the 2005 protests, former Andijan residents have been prosecuted and convicted for their participation in the 2005 protests. For example, on 5 January 2023, Kayumov Mukhamadvali was sentenced to over 15 years in prison on such charges. After living in Sweden for 18 years, separated from his wife and children, he returned to Uzbekistan based on assurances from the Uzbekistani embassy in Sweden that it would be safe for him to do so.

When President Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016, he ordered the release of dozens of imprisoned civil society activists, journalists and others, and announced systemic reforms to address past injustices and open up Uzbekistan to the international community. President Mirziyoyev’s early steps ushered in a cautious optimism and earned his regime an improved international image.

However, in recent years Uzbekistan has experienced backsliding on human rights and a shrinking space for freedom of expression and dissent. In this context, witnesses to the Andijan tragedy remain fearful of speaking out. At the same time, despite President Mirziyoyev’s pledges to address past injustices, authorities have yet to bring the perpetrators of the unlawful killings in Andijan to justice and still refuse to verify information about reported mass graves related to the events. They have taken no transparent steps to clarify the circumstances of the 2005 tragedy and continue to refuse calls from the international community to conduct an independent international investigation. Most of the human rights defenders and journalists who were imprisoned for documenting the Andijan events have not been rehabilitated, although released, and there are reports that security officials have threatened them with renewed arrest should they actively pursue this matter.

In another apparent attempt to avoid confronting the past, works are currently being carried out at the site of the Andijan events, with a business centre planned for Bobur square where the violence took place. 

We are deeply concerned that the current Uzbekistani administration has failed to address impunity for both the 2005 abuses in Andijan and more recent gross violations – particularly the violent suppression of mass protests in Karakalpakstan in July 2022, when at least 21 people died according to official figures, with unofficial sources estimating a much higher toll. AHRCA, NHC and IPHR call on the Uzbekistani authorities to take decisive action to thoroughly and impartially investigate these injustices and ensure accountability– a crucial step toward building a society based on the rule of law. The three organisations also call on the international community, including the European Union, to reaffirm their demands for justice – both for the atrocities committed in Andijan and for the more recent deaths in Karakalpakstan.

 

Joint Appeal to French President Macron: Raise Pressing Human Rights Concerns During Uzbek President Mirziyoyev’s Visit

 

As Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev pays an official state visit to France on 11-13 March 2025, the Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) call on President Emmanuel Macron to raise the alarming deterioration of freedom of expression and the persecution of independent social media commentators in Uzbekistan during his meetings with President Mirziyoyev.

Despite official commitments to reform, Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress free speech, using criminal prosecution and even forced psychiatric detention to silence critical voices. Independent journalists, bloggers, and social media commentators who highlight corruption, nepotism, or other politically sensitive issues risk harassment, detention, and imprisonment. Uzbekistan’s ranking in the 2024 Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index dropped significantly, reflecting the worsening climate for free expression.

Despite official commitments to reform, Uzbekistani authorities continue to suppress free speech, using criminal prosecution and even forced psychiatric detention to silence critical voices. Independent journalists, bloggers, and social media commentators who highlight corruption, nepotism, or other politically sensitive issues risk harassment, detention, and imprisonment. Uzbekistan’s ranking in the 2024 Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index dropped significantly, reflecting the worsening climate for free expression.

The following two cases – involving the abuse of psychiatric detention to silence dissent - illustrate the repression faced by independent voices in Uzbekistan:

― Shahida Salomova, a 62-year-old human rights defender and administrator of a popular blog providing legal guidance to victims of unlawful house demolitions, has been arbitrarily detained in psychiatric hospitals since 2023. She was arrested on defamation charges after a social media post in which she condemned polygamy, referring to an alleged case involving a close relative of the president. She is currently held in the Republican Psychiatric Hospital of Intensive Observation in Tashkent, where she is reportedly administered psychotropic medication against her will and kept in full isolation from the outside world. Her health conditions, including diabetes, asthma, high blood pressure, and others, have reportedly deteriorated in detention.

― Validjon Kalonov, a blogger who criticized Uzbekistan’s relations with China and called for democratic change, was detained on charges of insulting the president in 2021 and forcibly placed in a psychiatric hospital in Jizzak region. Recently, he attempted suicide while in detention, highlighting the severe psychological toll of Uzbekistan’s repression. While his life was saved, his current health condition remains unknown.

For these reasons, we are deeply concerned about the current health and well-being of Salomova and Kalonov.

The misuse of psychiatric detention for political persecution is a deeply troubling practice reminiscent of Soviet-era abuses. It has no place in a country that claims to be pursuing democratic reforms.

As France strengthens its economic and political ties with Uzbekistan, we urge President Macron to place human rights at the centre of these discussions. Specifically, we call on him to:

• Urge President Mirziyoyev to end the persecution of independent human rights defenders, bloggers, and social media commentators, including the use of punitive psychiatric detention; and to ensure the immediate release of Shahida Salomova, Validjon Kalonov, and others detained for peacefully exercising their freedom of expression;

• Press Uzbekistan to uphold its international human rights obligations, including freedom of expression, fair trial rights, the right to liberty and security, and freedom from torture and ill-treatment.

France has long been a champion of press freedom and human rights. This visit presents a critical opportunity to reaffirm these principles and advocate for those whose voices have been silenced. We urge President Macron to stand in solidarity with Uzbekistan’s independent voices and to ensure that human rights remain central to French-Uzbek relations.

 

Mukhsinjon Akhmedov: Imprisoned following an unfair trial in Uzbekistan after unlawful deportation from France

Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR), and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee are concerned that Mukhsinjon Akhmedov, who was unlawfully deported by France in November 2023 despite a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights to halt his deportation, is serving five years’ imprisonment in Uzbekistan, following an unfair trial. The organisations are urging Uzbekistan to review his case in proceedings that meet international fair trial standards. 

On 4 July 2015, three police officers visited  Mukhsinjon Akhmedov’s home in the city of Kokand in the Ferghana valley of Uzbekistan, informing  him that he was accused of involvement with the Islamist Hizb ut-Tahrir movement that is banned in Uzbekistan, searched his house, confiscated his cell phone and several audio disks containing contemporary music and took him to the local police station. Reportedly, no search and arrest warrants were presented. According to Akhmedov, the police targeted him on the request of a relative of his ex-wife, who reportedly used his contacts with law enforcement officers to settle scores in a family conflict. 

He was held in custody for three days. The officers reportedly attempted to find evidence of crime and ill-treated him to force him to confess. Reportedly, they questioned him about where he got his mobile phone and how he was able to afford it. When he explained that he bought it in Russia with the money he earned as a migrant worker on a construction site, they reportedly accused him of not declaring it in his customs declaration when he returned to Uzbekistan. They also questioned him about his religious beliefs and practices, accusing him of involvement with Hizb ut-Tahrir. Reportedly, police officers beat him on the head, face and chest. At some point three masked officers reportedly  hit him on the body with truncheons and threatened “to destroy his family” if he lodged complaints about the ill-treatment. 

According to Mukhsinjon Akhmedov, he did not confess to any crimes and because the officers found no evidence of crime on his confiscated phone and disks he was released from custody on 6 July. 

Two days later he went to a medical clinic where doctors confirmed that he had bruises on his face, neck and chest. Subsequently, Akhmedov and his mother lodged complaints with the prosecutor’s office, several government ministries and the Ombudsperson, indicating the names of the officers reportedly involved in ill-treating him. 

The Ferghana Regional Prosecutor’s Office informed Akhmedov that an inspection had been opened into his allegations and  stated that a video recording of a speech by Tahir Yuldashev, (the now-deceased former leader of the banned Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, a group that promoted violence to achieve its political agenda), had been found on his mobile phone that had been confiscated during the search. Akhmedov maintains that he never saved a speech by Yuldashev on his phone and that this accusation was fabricated in retaliation for  his and his mothers’ persistent complaints about the police abuse in detention. No criminal case was opened against the police officers who allegedly ill-treated Akhmedov.

In February 2016, Akhmedov was called to the police station and informed that he was charged with “attacking the constitutional order” (Article 159), “producing, storing, distributing or displaying materials containing a threat to public security and public order” (Art. 244-1), and “smuggling” (Article 246). To his surprise, he was not detained, but  told that he was prohibited to leave Uzbekistan. The charges were reportedly connected to his failure to declare the mobile phone he bought in Russia and the speech by Yuldashev that the authorities claimed was saved on his phone.

Mukhsinjon Akhmedov knew that he would not be given a fair trial and found a way to leave Uzbekistan for Russia. In fear of being detained by Russian authorities and returned to Uzbekistan, he then travelled to Estonia. When his asylum application was rejected in 2019, he moved to France where he lived until his deportation in November 2023, although the European Court of Human Rights had ordered interim measures (Rule 39 of the Rules of Court) urging France not to deport him while his case was being reviewed.

On 7 December 2023, the Constitutional Court for Administrative Affairs in France ruled that Akhmedov’s “expulsion to Uzbekistan, in violation of the interim measure ordered by the European Court of Human Rights, constitutes a serious and manifestly unlawful interference with fundamental freedom.” The Court also ordered the Minister of the Interior and Overseas Territories and the Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs to take all necessary measures to return Akhmedov to France at the expense of the French State as soon as possible. In addition, the Constitutional Court ordered the French state to pay Akhmedov 3000 EUR in compensation.

On 15 November, upon arrival at Tashkent airport, Akhmedov was immediately taken into custody on suspicion of committing crimes under articles 159, 244-1 and 246 of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan. On 4 January 2024, the Kokand Criminal Court found Akhmedov guilty and sentenced him to five years’ imprisonment. There are allegations that the trial was not conducted in line with international fair trial standards and that key points raised by Akhmedov’s lawyers were not adequately addressed. 

For example, when he and his lawyers familiarized themselves with the case file, they noticed that investigators claimed that the prohibited recording of Yuldashev’s speech was saved on a mobile phone of type Sony Xperia U ST25i, but Akhmedov’s phone is a Sony Xperia Z1 Compact. Although this discrepancy was raised during the trial and although the allegation that Akhmedov saved Yuldashev’s speech on his phone is linked to the charges against him is linked to the charges against him, the judge ruled that it was Akhmedov’s phone that contained the prohibited recording. In addition, the verdict relies centrally on an incriminating testimony of Akhmedov’s ex-wife, obtained by investigators in 2014, although she told the court in 2024 that she wished to retract it as she had been forced to incriminate him by police under threat of arrest. Additionally, the judge did not take into account his allegations of torture and ill-treatment referring to his time in detention back in 2014.

On 12 March 2024, Fergana Regional Criminal Court ruled on Akhmedov’s appeal and left the verdict unchanged. In October 2024, a further appeal was considered and also turned down. Currently, his lawyers are preparing a supervisory appeal to the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan. 

Uzbekistan: Former Diplomat Kadyr Yusupov has passed away

Former diplomat Kadyr Yusupov passed away on 14 November 2024 at the age of 73. The Association for Human Rights in Central Asia (AHRCA), Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (HFHR), International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee (NHC) send their sincere condolences to his family and friends.

Following his conviction in January 2020, Yusupov first served his sentence in the KIN-4 penal colony in Navoi (southwest Uzbekistan), where he was allegedly subjected to torture and held in deplorable detention conditions that seriously endangered his health and well-being. He was subsequently transferred to the KIN-42 settlement colony in the Zangiata district of Tashkent region, where he was for the last two and a half years prior to his release.

In December 2018 he was arrested on charges of treason which appear to have been based on a statement he made during a psychotic episode, when he was undergoing medical  treatment. Whilst in hospital, suffering from brain trauma and clearly confused, Yusupov reportedly said that he had been a spy for the West. There are credible allegations that state security officers repeatedly threatened Yusupov in pre-trial detention, saying that he, his wife and daughter would be raped unless he confessed to the accusations.

In January 2020 he was found guilty of treason before being imprisoned for five and a half years following a closed, unfair trial, during which Yusupov maintained his innocence.

Yusupov reported that he had been subjected to torture in the prison colony KIN-4 in Navoi (southwest Uzbekistan), where he served his sentence from January 2020 to December 2021.  He suffered from poor prison conditions, as described inan  opinion adopted by the the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentionon  4 June 2021: “ The detention of Mr. Yusupov took place in deplorable conditions, which is especially alarming noting his state of health. He was also denied medication and treatment for the very serious health conditions from which he suffers.”

In December 2021, he was transferred to the penal colony-settlement KIN-42 in the Zangiata district of Tashkent region, where he reported that he was treated humanely. 

He was released on 10 June 2024, after serving his full sentence.However, following his release, Yusupov was placed under administrative supervision for a year, with restrictions on his freedom of  movement and participation in public events.

Despite his release,  the post-traumatic stress following his treatment at the hands of the Uzbekistani authorities took its toll. Yusupov suffered from depression and disillusionment in his search for justice in the days before his death. After his release he reportedly often told his children: ".. my most beloved ones, I am tired.."

We call on the Uzbekistani authorities to fulfil their international human rights commitments as reflected in the opinion of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which found his detention to be arbitrary, and urged the government of Uzbekistan “to ensure a full and independent investigation into the circumstances of Mr. Yusupov’s arbitrary deprivation of liberty and to take appropriate action against those responsible for violating his rights.” These recommendations remain fully relevant despite Kadyr Yusupov’s tragic passing.